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Political Environment in the Middle East

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Political Environment in the Middle East

Political Environment in the Middle East


 It has been claimed (Holsti 1996 & 1991) that war in the post-Cold War age has different sources and carries on considerably different characteristics compared to previous wars. It has also come to be a common belief that nearly all modern wars are less a problem of the connections between states than a problem within states (Melander 1999). Although military concerns remain in the core of states' security policies, it has been recognized that threats of non-military nature coming in the internal environment of this nation might have a significant impact on the safety of the nation. Yet, domestic strife can cause regional and international upheaval and encourage foreign military and political intervention. The current Arab uprisings have shown that one of the chief sources of regional instability in the Middle East stems from regional nations' domestic surroundings, while the Syrian conflict clearly reveals how civil wars may lead to regional and global instability and encourage foreign intervention.

 
The State-Society Relationship
State-society literature highlights the national realm of the nation. This literature distinguishes between state and society and efforts to understand how they interact (Halliday 1988; Migdal 1988). In other words, the society and state have been seen as different entities while the state is understood mostly in politico-institutional terms. In this opinion, the state is equated with government and hence state security complies with the safety of this regime. Such identification has significant ramifications for global relations. By way of instance, as stated by the state-society strategy, there was a difference between the safety of the territory of Iraq and its citizens (society), and that of the security of Saddam Hussein and his regime.

 
Strength as a nation neither depends on nor correlates with power. Therefore, a distinction ought to be drawn between'weak' or'strong' states, on the one hand, and'weak' or'powerful' powers, on the other. Whether or not a state is weak or powerful in terms of its socio-political cohesion has so little to do with whether it is too weak or strong as a power. Obviously, strong states may also be strong powers, such as Israel. On the flip side, strong states can be feeble powers, like Egypt, while weak nations are often quite powerful powers, like Turkey and Iran. As the case of the Soviet Union suggests, even major powers could have serious flaws as states. Thus, they are obliged to keep extensive internal security institutions. The main difference between weak and strong states is that the low/high amount of validity facing their governments.
 
The State-Society Dating and Political (In)Security: The Case of the Arab Spring
The Arab Spring describes the epidemic of protests from the Middle East that finally led to regime changes in countries such as Tunisia, Egypt, and Libya. Not all of the movements, nevertheless, could be deemed successful. Sometimes, these protests morphed into full-scale civil wars, as observed in countries like Libya, Syria, and Yemen.
 
Conclusion
Due to their low degree of socio-political cohesion, weak states face great insecurity in the regime level. This is not just vital to their own security, but in addition to that of the areas within which they are located. Global anarchy is a decentralized method of order and, thus, is determined by its stability on the stability of its component units (states). Weak states are problematic for global order because their internal politics are often violent, and also their national insecurity often spills over to interrupt the safety of neighboring states. Additionally, weak states can easily attract competitive external intervention, as well as function as targets to opportunistic aggressors.
 
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